Marjee is considered one of the first intellectual-political currents of the Islamic world. Until now, most of the studies conducted on this sect have focused on their alignment with the Umayyads. From a different perspective, the present article deals with the reference and their role as one of the effective factors in the spread of Islam among a group of Dhimma people and shows that some of them even stood in front of the Umayyads and started riots in defense of the new Muslims. have also hit
Keywords: Iman, Islam, Ahl al-Dhimma, Jizya, Islam publication.
Introduction:
As one of the first religious and political currents of the Islamic world, Marjee played a significant role in the spread of Islam and its scope in the conquered areas, including Iran, and in this way they progressed to the point where some of them unintentionally faced the Umayyads. . But so far, the researches done about this tendency are mostly focused on the negative aspects of thinking ((reference)) in justifying the Umayyad government by calling for silence and compromise, submission to the status quo, promoting the spirit of tolerance, immorality, etc., and many Some of the researchers have emphasized on the correlation and alignment between him and the Umayyads. (1) It seems that the dual function of ((reference)) in history and as a result, the two-sided judgment about him, is the nature of two sides of the word. ((Request)) and their special definition of faith, i.e. the two main pillars of thinking ((Reference)). Therefore, the term “Reference” has been used for a range of different intellectual and political currents and sometimes contradictory, and even in the case of “Khawarij” (2) and “Shia” (3) and this It has caused problems for researchers. Perhaps the common point of all these thoughts attributed to Marjee lies in their common and of course apparent definition of faith and also the use of the concept of “Religion”, although each of these currents have sought their own meaning from these two terms.
Belief in its importance and its social consequences
On the one hand, different meanings ((Arja)), including giving hope to sinners or delaying judgment, could in a way give hope to sinners and cleanse the oppressors and silence the society in front of them (4) and finally, promote blasphemy and laabali. It brought grief, which, of course, was the most important social consequence of such an idea, removing people from the scene and creating political passivity and preparing the society to accept any government, even if it is cruel and oppressive. This point of view that the future fate of the people who believed cannot be determined in advance led to the theory that ((the Umayyads are true Muslims and people of Qiblah)) (5) and therefore ((rebellion against them is not legitimate)) (6) But on the other hand, the reference to Arja had different results from the above results, which sometimes led to a confrontation between him and the Umayyads. In the first impression, Marjee’s political thought and behavior was exactly opposite to Khawarij’s, and by the way, the political and social contexts of their emergence were largely the same and shared. The political crisis after the murder of (Uthman) and the internal conflicts of the Muslim community, reaching a dead end and the cause of the people who want the ideal and creating doubts about the truth or falsity of one of the two factions ((Ali)) and ((Uthman)) And… it led to the emergence of these two opposing thoughts. While the extreme thought of the Kharijites finally issued the verdict of blasphemy for both factions, the first reference in a passive action and for the reason that it is not possible to be aware of the inner beliefs of the people, gave the seal of approval or at least a judgment of both being a believer and a miser. He left the final decision on this matter to God. Apparently, the first founders of Marjee, including Hassan ibn Muhammad ibn Hanafiyyah, who was the first one to agree with Arja, (7) they meant the same concept as mentioned above, not the one that acts (8) and despite the fact that this peaceful action is probably a reference for reviving the lost unity of the Islamic Ummah and preventing internal wars and more bloodshed among Muslims (9) and also for the unity of the believers against Bani Umayyad had started, it also produced negative results, to the extent that in later periods, by sticking to this idea and following it, giving originality to faith minus action, in some positions not only to the closeness and support of some supporters Reference would lead to the Umayyads, but it could turn them into ideological arms of the Umayyads and confront the anti-Umayyad currents. Perhaps the reason that in Kufa, the anti-Umayyad center, Marjeeh was considered more loyal to the Umayyad government than in other places, (10) was their reaction to the thoughts of the Shiites of Kufa who did not have a favorable opinion towards (Uthman). The original source, which had announced its existence by refraining from judging the Alawite and Ottoman fronts and delaying the verdict on ((Ali)) and ((Uthman)), eventually gave a suitable verbal justification in confirming the silence. They applied themselves, which actually led to his special definition of faith, that is, the point of gravity of Marji’s thinking. While the Kharijites considered action to be the main pillar of faith, the reference provided a much easier definition that separated faith from action and limited it only to verbal confession. This particular definition of faith led to other differences, such as regarding the House of Kufr and the House of Faith, promise and promise, enjoining what is good and forbidding what is evil, Imamate, rising with the sword, etc. He introduced ((Reference)) as the epitome and representative of two extreme and partial conceptions of Islam. As much as the Kharijites propagated the harsh spirit of Islam, they were the spokesperson for the peaceful and gentle thinking of the Islamic movement. Although Marjeeh’s idea of separating faith from action could have political and social consequences such as the cleansing of the transgressors, the growth of immorality and, in general, the stabilization of the Umayyad government. He realized that he sometimes used them to fight against the Umayyads; As in a treatise related to the first century of the Hijri by Salim bin Zakwan Abadhi, the source of the stubborn opponents of the Umayyads and the enemies of the rioters are described. (11)
The killing of many Marjee, including Marjee Qadiriyyah or even Jabrieh, by the Umayyad rulers (12) and the effective presence of some of them in anti-Umayyad uprisings such as the uprising of Ibn Ash’ath (13) (Yazid bin Mehlab) (14) ((Zid bin Ali (AS))) (15) and also organizing a large-scale rebellion of neo-Muslims in Khorasan under the leadership of ((Harith bin Sarij)) (16) not only serious problems on the theory of the complicity of all Marjee makes a reference to the Umayyads, but he paints a different image of them that has its roots in their definition of faith. From the point of view of Dar al-Alayman or the scope of Islam, it was much wider than the narrow scope of the Arabist views of the Umayyads, who saw Islam as practically exclusive to Arabs, and was also in opposition to (foreigners) who pushed Dar al-Alayman into isolated and distant camps. He limited himself and ((in the imagination, they were a composite nation of saints)).(17)
One of the most important reasons that led a part of the Marjae to confront the Umayyads, besides the excesses of the Umayyads in the cause of Ali (AS), was their lack of definition of a Muslim. In a situation where the Umayyads, due to the reduction of tax revenues caused by the fleeing of the villagers to the cities and the exemption of the new Muslims from paying the jizya, questioned them on various Muslim pretexts and tried to collect the jizya from them (18). Those who convert to Islam for any reason, even to the appearance of Islam, have tried and wanted them to use the rights of a Muslim person, including exemption from jizya. The sheikhs and believers of Marjie, who limited faith to God and His Messenger and disbelief to the knowledge of God and limited worship to faith and knowledge of God. And later he denied him with his tongue so that he would not be an infidel, (19) how could they witness the harsh and repressive treatment of the Umayyads against the new Muslims who apparently were not accepted in the Muslim Jirga due to the fact that they were not circumcised, but in fact due to the fear of reducing the income of Bait Al-Mal. (20)
The presence of some Marjee alongside (Ibn Ash’ath) and against (Hajjaj), in addition to opposing him in Sab Ali (AS), in order to confront the inhumane policies of (Hajjaj) with Mawali and neo-Muslims can be justified. Is. According to Tabari’s narration, many new Muslim dhimmi in Basra who were fed up with the hardships of the pilgrims and were forced to leave their houses and homes in the cities and return to their villages and pay jizya and tribute again. And they didn’t know where to take refuge, they gathered in the city and began to cry and cry and shouted ((Wah Muhammad)) that ((Ibn Ash’ath)) arrived and the neo-Muslims together with ((Qaryan)) and other people with He pledged allegiance with the condition that he would not fight with the Hajjaj. (21) We know that some of these reciters who rose up in favor of the new Muslims were from the Marjee. His specialty was with Ali (a.s.) and especially his cursing, which was in conflict with the official opinion of the sources regarding ((Ali (a))) and ((Uthman)).
Although Marjee’s presence in this uprising led to a conflict between the actions and thoughts of some of them who ((denied the uprising with the sword)) (23) to the extent that it even led to the withdrawal of some of them from this group (24). But on the other hand, it led to the emergence of a faction of the Marjee who, during the Umayyad rule, sided with the new Muslims and in order to assert their rights and encourage the Dhimma people to become Muslims, even confronting the Umayyads.
The religious tolerance of the reference and the Dhimmi’s acceptance of it
The definition provided by Marjee about faith and considering faith and Islam to be the same could have caused the people of Dhimma to convert to the Muslim faith. Basically, Marjii Islam was very simple and easy and free from hardships, and in other words, the religion of great literacy; (25) for example, while the Kharijites rely on the principle of ((Waid)), they emphasize more on the aspects of God’s wrath and anger in the punishment of sinners. They did, referring to ((The Promise)) (26), they emphasized on God’s grace, generosity and mercy, they planted the seed of hope for forgiveness in the hearts of wrongdoers, and they considered hell to be exclusive to polytheists, and they hoped for forgiveness for everyone and said No one from the people of the Qibla should go into the fire and may God punish the one and only. (27) Also, while all sects, citing the hadith of the Prophet (PBUH), considered only one sect out of the seventy-three sects of the Islamic Ummah as deserving of paradise and salvation. The sources interpreted this saying that the Prophet said: Let my nation be divided into seventy-three groups, seventy-two groups will be in heaven and one group will be in hell. (28)
Gradually, Marjeeh’s religious teachings in negation of wisdom (29) and the degradation of the position of action and obedience and paying more attention to knowledge, love and sincerity (30) led to Gnostic perceptions of Islam, which the minds of Iranians were familiar with. This point of view that whenever a person attains the knowledge of God and later denies him with his tongue, he does not become an unbeliever, (31) led the reference to an advanced and severe Sufism, which in terms of the method and politics of Sufism is self-sufficient in performing acts of worship. (32) the originality of intention and belief and the insignificant consideration of words and actions in the eyes of the reference (33) with the intellectual background of the Iranian Gnostic thinkers who thought (((Purity is the work of the heart, not the work of the body))) Self-created slogan, blasphemy of Muslim man was considered ugly because of sinning, (34) had harmony; Therefore, many of the sheikhs and scholars of Marjee were from the Iranian religion. (35)
It is natural that this kind of tolerant understanding of religion is more pleasant and acceptable for some dhimmis who changed their religion not only for religious reasons but more for social reasons; Because basically, many of the Dhimmis convert to Islam easily because they come from a religion that adheres to complex customs and rituals (for example, Zoroastrianism) to a religion that is easy to accept and is bound by appearances; A religion that was only enough to accept two martyrdoms. By accepting Marji’s Islam, Dhimmen could easily enter the Muslim Jirga without suffering various hardships and enjoy the benefits that the Islamic message had promised them. According to some evidence, Marji’s thoughts were also welcomed by the remnants of the Mazdakians and Khorramdins of the Islamic period; Because they could maintain the appearance of their existence under the cover of Islam. (36)
Gradually and with the passage of time, they considered the acceptance of the one God as the basis of being a Muslim and abandoned all the obligations. His distinctive feature was contempt for action (body work). (37) With the above explanations, it is not surprising that ((Maqdisi)) witnessed the tying of the aspirations of the Khorramdins of Damavand with Marjii’s tolerant and tolerant Islam. It is clear that this kind of interpretation of Islam, which ultimately led to the negation of Islamic law, was useful not only for the common people, but also for the elders and nobles of Iran who wanted to maintain and improve their social status in the framework of the ruling order in any possible way. Peace-seeking and the spirit of tolerance are often mentioned about the sectarian conflicts in the Islamic society, which ((even praying behind the head of the imam who committed a great sin was considered correct)) (38) and also the political thinking of some of them based on The need to obey the ruler (39) could be welcomed by the neo-Muslims who, for whatever reason, did not want to involve themselves in the internal conflicts of the Arabs and wanted some kind of unity in the Islamic world so that they could live a peaceful and carefree life under its shelter.
Reference and Islamic invitation in Khorasan
According to ((Ibn Asaker)), Marji’s thoughts for the first time after the murder of ((Uthman)) among the Mujahideen who returned from the conquests to Medina, at the same time as their surprise and confusion about the right and wrong of one of the two fronts ((Ali)). (AS) and (Uthman) appeared. (40) This group wanted to avoid the internal conflicts of the Islamic Ummah and considered war with infidels and participating in Islamic conquest campaigns more pleasing to God than fighting Muslims. Because from their point of view, the battle on the borders was without a doubt Jihad in the way of God, and the concern of right and wrong did not bother them. In this way, together with some of the Arab tribes who migrated to the border areas such as Khorasan and Mawr al-Anhar, they brought Marjie’s thinking with them to these areas and because according to Marjie, ((all Muslims are religious brothers, whether they are Arabs or neo-Muslims)) 41) This thought was compatible with the hopes and wishes of the new Muslims and the people of Dhimma, who indeed ((interpretation of Sharia rules and religious interpretation was the easiest way)) (42). Hence, Marjee’s thinking in that system played an important role in reconciling the conflicting interests between Arabs and other Muslims and turned Khorasan into the biggest center of the sect (Marjee Jabrieh) in the Umayyad era. (43) in historical sources from Many people from Marjeeh who were from Khorasan or related to Khorasan or who lived there have been mentioned; (44) among other things, due to the large number of Marjians in Balkh, the place was called ((Marjiabad)). (45) Abul Faraj Esfahani reports on the existence of debates between Khawarij and Marjee in Khorasan (46), and without a doubt, one of the reasons for the non-spreading of foreign thought in Khorasan, unlike Sistan, in addition to the popularity of the Alawites, could be due to the widespread influence of Marjee there. . But as mentioned, Marjee’s presence in Khorasan is mostly due to his participation in border conquests and the spread of Islam in those areas, to the extent that two of his most famous men in Khorasan (Sabet Qatna) and Harith bin Sarij )) were one of the famous Umayyad commanders in the conquests. In the end, his relations with the Umayyads became dark, and for this reason, he joined the rebellion of Yazid Ibn Mahlab (102 AH) and then he was in defense of the neo-Muslims against Ashras, the Umayyad ruler of Khorasan, and for a while He was imprisoned by him and finally he preferred to be killed in the battlefield rather than being captured and released with the ransom of Bani Umayyah. (47)
In fact, Marjian saw the conquests as separate from the government; That is, in his eyes, the interests of the nation and the state were two separate categories. In addition to the conquests, the spread of Marjee’s ideas in Khorasan was accompanied by the spread of Abu Hanifa’s school in that state, to the point where they said: Abu Hanifa was “the undisputed spiritual and perhaps political leader of Marjee in the eastern lands of the caliphate” (48). Therefore, from the beginning of the second century of Hijri and at the same time with the beginning of the reform movement of neo-Muslims, we witness the association of Marjee with them and the leading of the uprising by the famous Marjee. The Khorasan neo-Muslims movement, in protest against the unfavorable political and social situation and the discriminatory behavior of the Umayyads, which started from the beginning of the second century of Hijri and using the open political space created in the reforms of (Umar bin Abdul Aziz), was expanding day by day. 49) There are reports of the discussion of some sheikhs of Marjee with “Umar II) on the issue of faith, which shows that apparently Omar was aligned with him. The practical result of these negotiations was. On the other hand, (Abul Said) was the spokesperson of the neo-Muslims in the court of (Omar II) to tell about their unfavorable situation, and later in the year 110 AH, he led the uprising of the Marjee in favor of the neo-Muslims (51) and after his death, his companions led the uprising (51). (Harith bin Serij) who was also a Marjii joined. However, it is not exactly clear whether Caliph (Umar II)’s interest in inviting the Dhimma people of Khorasan to convert to Islam on the condition of exemption from jizya had anything to do with his negotiations with Marjee or not. But in any case, since this time, the presence of Marjee in the Islamic Da’wa is noticeably evident. Although his reforms stopped with the fall of Omar’s life, including the substitution of Islamic Da’wah instead of conquests, but around the year 110 AH, Islamic Da’wah found a new beginning. At the head of this propaganda movement were two people from Marjee named ((Abul Said) and ((Thabet Qatna)), both of whom were also from Mowali. Together, these two were commissioned by the Umayyad ruler of Khorasan (Ashras) to propagate Islam in Mawr al-Anhar, with the condition that whoever became a Muslim would be exempted from paying jizya. But the widespread acceptance ((Sogdian)) of this proposal, which led to a decrease in the Umayyad income, led to a change in the Umayyad ruler’s policy. In the first stage, he ordered ((Whoever is circumcised and observes the rites and his Islam is perfected and who has learned a chapter from the Qur’an be exempted from tribute)), (52) but in the end he ordered to collect the jizya again from all new Muslims. He said that this had a very unfavorable reflection among the neo-Muslims, to the point where they organized a rebellion led by (Abul Said) and (Thabet Qatna) Marjii. The revolt of the neo-Muslims continued in a scattered form until the fall of the Umayyads, and in a long period (from 115 to 128 AH), their leadership was under the responsibility of one of the followers named (Harith bin Sarij) who was the religious leader and another person from the follower named (Jahm bin Safwan) of Marjee’s sheikhs was also at the head of the ideological wing of the movement. Jahm, who did not believe in the monopoly of the caliphate in Quraysh and believed in armed movement, (53) was a secretary and judge (Harith) and preached to his soldiers. It was known that the emirs of Khorasan used political and economic means for their vassals and dhimma, and there is no evidence of Harith’s supporters being interested in the debate about the issue of Ali (a.s.) and Uthman. It was equal for the new Muslim community and the fulfillment of the covenant with the Dhimma people. Harith ((He made it so that the people of Dhimmat are faithful to Dhimmat and do not collect tribute (Jizya) from the Muslims, and do not do violence to others)) (55) provided for them to become Muslims; Therefore, the majority of Harith’s followers were poor and weak farmers who had suffered a lot at the hands of old Iranian nobles and Arab nobles. The interests of the government are not separate, and gaining power is actually a religious success))) and distinguished between the interests of the government and the interests of Islam. (57)
Although Harith’s followers were scattered after his and Jahm bin Safwan’s murder and often joined the Abu Muslim movement, they apparently did not have good relations with Abu Muslim, because in the sources of the fight that In 131 AH, there was a conflict in Marv and it led to the execution of two prominent people of Marjee by Abu Muslim. One of the executed was a prominent supporter of the non-Arab Muslim equality movement. (58)
After the fall of the Umayyads and the gradual disappearance of the issue called ((New Muslims)), the necessary grounds for the activity of Marjee also decreased and their presence in the scene of social activities became less colorful, but in any case, their contribution should not be limited. He ignored his attention in the spread and development of Islam among some of the Dhimma people.
Notes:
1. For example, refer to: Agnas Goldzihar, Lessons about Islam, translated by Alinghi Manzavi (Tehran, Kamangir Publishing House, 1357), p. 166; Hamilton Gibb: Islam, a historical survey, translated by Manouchehr Amiri (Tehran, Scientific and Cultural Publishing House, 1367). p. 130, Montgomery Watt, Islamic Philosophy and Kalam, translated by Abolfazl Ezzati (Tehran, Scientific and Cultural Publications, 1370) p. 49, Richard Fry (compiler), Cambridge History of Iran (from Islam to Selajqah), translated by Hassan Anoushe (Tehran, Amirkabir , 1363) vol. 4, p. 41: Ilya Pavlovich Petrovich, Islam in Iran, translated by Karim Keshavarz (Tehran, Payam Publications, 1350) p. 214: Abdul Hossein Zarin Kob, History of the People of Iran (from the end of the Sassanids to the end of Al-Buyeh), (Tehran, Amir Kabir, 1367) p. 163 and Seyed Hossein Mohammad Jafari, Shi’ism on the path of history, translated by Seyed Mohammad Taqi Ayatollahi (Tehran, Islamic Culture Publishing House, 1364) p. 304.
2. Abul Hasan Ash’ari, Essays of the Muslims and the Differences of the Muslims, translated by Mohsen Muyidi (Tehran, Amir Kabir, 1362) p. 64.
3. Rasul Jafarian, Marjee (History and Thought), (Qom, Khorram Publishing House, 1371) p. 142.
4. Nobakhti Marjee introduces the mass of people and humble people who were among the followers of the kings and dominant rulers of the time; Abi Muhammad al-Hassan al-Nubakhti, Farq Shi’a, the research of Sayyid Mohammad Sadiq al-Bahr al-Uloom (Najaf, Al-Mutaqbah al-Haydriya, 1355 AH), p. 6; also see K: Saad bin Abdullah Ash’ariqmi, Essays and Al-Farq, research by Javad Mashkoor (Tehran, Scientific and Cultural Publications, 1360) p. 5.
5. Ignas Goldziher, ibid., p. 165.
6. Montgomery Watt, ibid.
7. Ibn Rasteh, Al-Alaaq al-Nafisa (Beirut, Darahi-al-Tarath al-Arabi, 1408 AH) p. 179.
8. Abul-Fath Mohammad al-Shahrestani, Millam wa al-Nahl, research by Sheikh Ahmad Fahmy Mohammad (Beirut, Dar al-Suror, 1367 AH), vol. 1, p. 228.
9. Martin McDermott, Theological Thoughts of Sheikh Mofid, translated by Ahmad Aram (Tehran, Institute of Islamic Studies, McGill University, 1363), vol. 2, p. 310.
10. Reza Rezazadeh Langroudi, Clash of Political Thoughts in Islam (Research in Reference), Tous Book, Collection of Articles, Book 1, 1363, p. 156.
11. Ibid., p. 139.
12. For example, see: Abdul Qahir al-Baghdadi, Al-Farq bin Al-Farq, research by Mohammad Muhi al-Din Abd al-Hamid (Beirut, Dar al-Marafa, Bita), p. 212; Hossein Atwan, Islamic Sects in the Land of Syria in the Umayyad Era, translated by Haymadreza Sheikhi (Mashhad, Publications Astan Quds, 1371) different pages and Rasul Jafarian, ibid., p. 149.
13. Abu Saeed Ibn Nashwaan al-Hamiri, Al-Hoor Al-Ain, Kamal Mustafa’s Research, (Aadat Tabah in Tehran, Bina, 1972) p. 204.
14. Mohammad Bin Jarir Al-Tabari, History of the Nations and Kings (Tarikh al-Tabari), (Beirut, Ezzaldin Publishing House, 1407 AH), vol. 3, p. 607.
15. Abu Sa’id ibn Nashwaan al-Hamiri, ibid., p. 186.
16. Neg: Continue the article.
17. Montgomery Watt, ibid., p. 50.
18. Mohammad Bin Jarir Tabari, ibid., p. 592 and vol. 4, p. 29.
19. Abul Hasan Ash’ari, ibid., pp. 78-69.
20. Muhammad bin Jarir Tabari, ibid., vol. 3, p. 592.
21. Ibid., p. 503.
22. Ibn Sa’d, Al-Tabaqaab Al-Kubarah (Beirut, Darbirut for printing and publishing, 1405 AH’), vol. 6, p. 293.
23. Martin McDermott, ibid., p. 310 and M. M. Sharif, History of Philosophy in Islam, translated and compiled under the supervision of Nasrullah Pourjavadi (Tehran, Academic Publishing Center, 1365), vol. 2, p. 115.
24. Abi al-Faraj Esfahani, Kitab al-Aghani (Beirut, Darahi al-Trath al-Arabi, B. Ta.) vol. 9, p. 139.
25. Saad bin Abdullah Ash’ari Qomi, ibid.
26. Abul Hasan Ash’ari, ibid., p. 76.
27. Ibid., pp. 78-74, Abul-Fath Muhammad al-Shahrestani, ibid., and Abi Muhammad al-Hassan al-Nubakhti, ibid.
28. Abi Abdallah al-Maqdisi, Ahsan al-Taqasim in Marifah al-Akalim (Leiden, Brill, 1967) p. 39.
29. Abul Hasan Ash’rabi, ibid., p. 66.
30. Abul Fatah Mohammad Shahristani, ibid., p. 223 and Abdul Qahir al-Baghdadi, ibid., p. 211.
31. Abul Hasan Ash’ari, ibid., p. 69.
32. Shorter Encyclopaedia of Islam, the reference of Islam, LEIDEN EJBRILL 1953)
33. Abi Abdullah al-Maqdisi, ibid., p. 38.
34. Reza Rezazadeh Langroudi, ibid., p. 147 and Alinki Manzavi, Who Were the Marjians and What They Said (Munich, Kave Magazine, Azar, 1354), pp. 13-8.
35. See: Rasul Jafarian, ibid., p. 55.
36. Among others, while describing the Khorramdinan mountains in Damavand, he says: They are undoubtedly a group of Marjians. They don’t perform ghusl from Janabat. I didn’t see a mosque in their houses. I debated with them and said: With this religion that you have, how can Muslims not come to your war? They said: Aren’t we united? I said: How can you do this while you have abandoned the obligations and suspended the Shariat. they said: We give a lot of property to the Sultan every year; (Abi Abdullah al-Maqdisi, ibid., pp. 398-399).
37. Ignas Goldziher, ibid., p. 247, translator’s notes.
38. Brief encyclopedia of Islam, reference below.
39. Mashkoor, p. 72 and M.M. Sharif, ibid.
40. History of Damascus, quoted by Hossein Atwan, ibid., p. 23.
41. Van Fluten, Shiite history and the causes of the fall of the Umayyad dynasty, translated by Seyyed Murtaza Hashemi Haeri (Tehran, Iqbal Publishing House, 1325) p. 73.
42. Ibid., p. 63.
43. Hossein Atwan, ibid., p. 111.
44. Rasul Jafarian, ibid., p. 190.
45. Abu Bakr Balkhi, The Virtues of Balkh, by Abdolhi Habibi (Tehran, Farhang Iran Foundation, 1350) p. 28.
46. Abi Al Faraj Esfahani, ibid., vol. 14, p. 269.
47. See: Muhammad bin Jarir Tabari, ibid., vol. 4, p. 28 and Abi Al Faraj Esfahani, ibid., vol. 12, p. 263.
48. Reza Rezazade Langroudi, ibid., p. 158.
49. Muhammad bin Jarir Tabari, ibid., vol. 3, p. 592.
50. Ibn Saad, ibid., p. 313.
51. Mohammad bin Jarir Tabari, ibid., vol. 4, p. 28.
52. Ibid., vol. 4, p. 29.
53. Abdul Qahir Baghdadi, ibid., p. 212.
54. And when Jahm is cut in the house in Askar al-Harith; Mohammad bin Jarir Tabari, ibid., vol. 4, p. 167.
55. Abu Saeed Abdulhi Gardizi, Zain al-Akhbar (Gardizi History), by Abdulhi Habibi (Tehran, Dunyai Kitab Publications, 1363) p. 258.
56. Abdullah Mahdi al-Khatib, Umayyad government in Khorasan, translated by Bagher Mousavi (Tehran, Toka Publishing House, 1357) p. 119.
57. Ibid., p. 120
58. Reza Rezazadeh Langroudi, ibid., p. 156.
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